The perception of industry and infrastructure varies from person and without aiming to start a debate with someone, I would like to present some bare facts about the industrial scenario of my city the grassroot-level situation prevailing currently, and what it should ideally have been.
Dr. Bidhan Chandra Roy, the Second Chief Minister of West Bengal, one of the most illuminated minds of the country till date, had a clear vision about Bengal's future and an understanding of Bengal's need of the hour 𑁋 development of heavy industry in the State to promote all-round development through massive employment generation, and therefore overall upgradation of the lifestyle of the people.
At that time, Bengal had few cities as such 𑁋 Kolkata, Jalpaiguri and Bardhaman happened to be the only mentionable names. He envisioned the need of creation of new cities (what we call nowadays as Greenfield Cities). With expert advice from Indian as well as foreign brains, Bidhan Roy's dream-cities of Durgapur, Kalyani, Bidhannagar, Ashokenagar and Habra came up.
Durgapur primarily centred around the Durgapur Steel Plant (inaugurated in 1955), its enormous township and sporadic development of villages nearby. In January,1965 the Alloy Steels Plant started production and the developmental saga of Durgapur started seeing a new thread of investments 𑁋 the subsequent development of Bharat Ophthalmic Glass Limited (BOGL), Hindustan Fertilizer Corporation Limited (HFCL), Mining and Allied Machinery Corporation (MAMC) and a range of medium and small enterprises, supported by as well as supporting the existing units.
The easy availability of resources as well as a cosmopolitan workforce (which ensures less unity among workers) had made Durgapur a hot-spot for industrialists. But the Freight Equalisation Policy of the Government of India ( passed in 1947 ), which became applicable for all freight in 1971, nullified the positional advantage of Durgapur (and Bengal,Orissa and Jharkhand at large).
Then came the good-days of Bengali 'babus' and the black days for industry in 1977. The political setup, the socio-economic scenario, the interlocking threads of industry and feudalism (which helped industrialists to buy land at the cheapest rates from feuds in the rural areas of Bengal) were shattered by waves of Communism. Looking from one perspective, it could have been a bright moment for industry in Bengal as huge chunks of land passed onto the hands of the State. But the situation was otherwise. Ultra-leftist leaders in Jyoti Basu's Government had no intention to promote industry in the State. Rather they incited the gullible youth to raise slogans, pause work with regular demands, walk-out of factories etc., which destroyed the work-culture of Bengalis altogether. Moreover, English was removed from being a compulsory subject upto middle-school, and Bengal produced thousands of graduates every year who, in spite of being extra-ordinarily talented, lagged behind in industry-employability for the sole reason of their poor articulacy in English. The Cabinet of Jyoti Basu knew it very well that if industries grew, the masses would get employment; and once good packets started filling up the treasuries at everyone's home, no one (especially in case lethargic Bengalis) would bother to be party-workers 𑁋 their leadership could have been put to a challenge. And this attitude itself distinguishes the Communist Governments in China and Russia (where they had tried their best to promote industry in State's regime) and the "so-called Communist" Government under Jyoti Basu.
At last, in the year 2000, Bengal again started hoping for industrial development with Buddhadeb Bhattacharya coming in as the Chief Minister. He realised the need for infrastructural development and English learning, as well as technical education in Bengal, as a precursor to industrial development ( and admitted frankly that removal of English from primary education by his predecessors was a Historical Mistake). New State Highways were constructed and existing ones upgraded. The administration bet hard to grip hold of the work-culture. A "Brand Buddha" was created, which enthused youth of Bengal, especially from rural and semi-urban areas to take admission into the newly inaugurated Industrial Training Institutes set up by Government of West Bengal in collaboration with private-sector partners.
The situation under him improved considerably, with several multinational giants envincing interest in investing in Bengal. The Salim Group of Indonesia expressed intentions of developing a Special Economic Zone with investment promise of Rs.20,000 crores at Nandigram. Also, German retail giant Metro Cash And Carry started constructing a 1,00,000 square-feet outlet in Kolkata𑁋 Bengal's first worth-noting shopping mall. Reliance Retail (Dhirubhai Ambani Group) also promised huge investments in Bengal. Cals Refineries in Haldia, Shyam Group's Steel Plant near Durgapur were some other bulky industries which aimed to come in. Lastly, TATA group was roped in by Buddhadeb Bhattacharya for its flagship project of world's cheapest car, the Nano at Singur, on Durgapur Expressway section of the National Highway 2.
Dr. Bidhan Chandra Roy, the Second Chief Minister of West Bengal, one of the most illuminated minds of the country till date, had a clear vision about Bengal's future and an understanding of Bengal's need of the hour 𑁋 development of heavy industry in the State to promote all-round development through massive employment generation, and therefore overall upgradation of the lifestyle of the people.
At that time, Bengal had few cities as such 𑁋 Kolkata, Jalpaiguri and Bardhaman happened to be the only mentionable names. He envisioned the need of creation of new cities (what we call nowadays as Greenfield Cities). With expert advice from Indian as well as foreign brains, Bidhan Roy's dream-cities of Durgapur, Kalyani, Bidhannagar, Ashokenagar and Habra came up.
Durgapur primarily centred around the Durgapur Steel Plant (inaugurated in 1955), its enormous township and sporadic development of villages nearby. In January,1965 the Alloy Steels Plant started production and the developmental saga of Durgapur started seeing a new thread of investments 𑁋 the subsequent development of Bharat Ophthalmic Glass Limited (BOGL), Hindustan Fertilizer Corporation Limited (HFCL), Mining and Allied Machinery Corporation (MAMC) and a range of medium and small enterprises, supported by as well as supporting the existing units.
The easy availability of resources as well as a cosmopolitan workforce (which ensures less unity among workers) had made Durgapur a hot-spot for industrialists. But the Freight Equalisation Policy of the Government of India ( passed in 1947 ), which became applicable for all freight in 1971, nullified the positional advantage of Durgapur (and Bengal,Orissa and Jharkhand at large).
Then came the good-days of Bengali 'babus' and the black days for industry in 1977. The political setup, the socio-economic scenario, the interlocking threads of industry and feudalism (which helped industrialists to buy land at the cheapest rates from feuds in the rural areas of Bengal) were shattered by waves of Communism. Looking from one perspective, it could have been a bright moment for industry in Bengal as huge chunks of land passed onto the hands of the State. But the situation was otherwise. Ultra-leftist leaders in Jyoti Basu's Government had no intention to promote industry in the State. Rather they incited the gullible youth to raise slogans, pause work with regular demands, walk-out of factories etc., which destroyed the work-culture of Bengalis altogether. Moreover, English was removed from being a compulsory subject upto middle-school, and Bengal produced thousands of graduates every year who, in spite of being extra-ordinarily talented, lagged behind in industry-employability for the sole reason of their poor articulacy in English. The Cabinet of Jyoti Basu knew it very well that if industries grew, the masses would get employment; and once good packets started filling up the treasuries at everyone's home, no one (especially in case lethargic Bengalis) would bother to be party-workers 𑁋 their leadership could have been put to a challenge. And this attitude itself distinguishes the Communist Governments in China and Russia (where they had tried their best to promote industry in State's regime) and the "so-called Communist" Government under Jyoti Basu.
At last, in the year 2000, Bengal again started hoping for industrial development with Buddhadeb Bhattacharya coming in as the Chief Minister. He realised the need for infrastructural development and English learning, as well as technical education in Bengal, as a precursor to industrial development ( and admitted frankly that removal of English from primary education by his predecessors was a Historical Mistake). New State Highways were constructed and existing ones upgraded. The administration bet hard to grip hold of the work-culture. A "Brand Buddha" was created, which enthused youth of Bengal, especially from rural and semi-urban areas to take admission into the newly inaugurated Industrial Training Institutes set up by Government of West Bengal in collaboration with private-sector partners.
The situation under him improved considerably, with several multinational giants envincing interest in investing in Bengal. The Salim Group of Indonesia expressed intentions of developing a Special Economic Zone with investment promise of Rs.20,000 crores at Nandigram. Also, German retail giant Metro Cash And Carry started constructing a 1,00,000 square-feet outlet in Kolkata𑁋 Bengal's first worth-noting shopping mall. Reliance Retail (Dhirubhai Ambani Group) also promised huge investments in Bengal. Cals Refineries in Haldia, Shyam Group's Steel Plant near Durgapur were some other bulky industries which aimed to come in. Lastly, TATA group was roped in by Buddhadeb Bhattacharya for its flagship project of world's cheapest car, the Nano at Singur, on Durgapur Expressway section of the National Highway 2.
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